By Robin Boadway, Baldev Raj
The learn of public economics has passed through dramatic adjustments long ago twenty years. significant advancements in financial conception have revolutionized the topic and feature replaced the way in which we view the function of presidency. the restrictions of data and associations have referred to as into query the facility of the govt. to hold out a few of its conventional projects, yet have additionally ended in new tools and techniques for facing the matter of monetary coverage comparable to the layout of the redistribution and tax method. realizing the significance of the industrial, behavioral and institutional constraints dealing with govt is necessary for comparing coverage concepts. this is often finally an empirical factor. This e-book of a symposium on empiricial public finance shows the richness and variety of empirical techniques which were used to make clear the issues of utilized public finance and its program.
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As new federations take form and outdated ones are revived around the globe, a tough problem is to create incentives for financial self-discipline. A key query is whether or not a politically-motivated crucial govt can credibly dedicate to not bail out subnational governments in instances of situation if it money such a lot in their expenses.
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24 Note that in Table 2 we showed that poverty rates for the younger disabled and nondisabled converged, even though other measures of economic status did not. 25 This pattern is consistent with Table 2 and is expected, because men in the omitted category have a far lower prevalence of retirees who rely on social insurance transfers for income than do men aged 64 or more in 1991. S. disabled men 33 tistically significant effect on the probability of being poor or near poor, while either becoming married or becoming single has no statistically significant effect on the poverty outcome.
The rate of poverty or near poverty for the nondisabled comparison group was about one-half this level. , the death of spouses, with the loss of both their earnings and their income needs), SSDI benefits remained nearly constant, providing a reliable base of income support for the families of disabled men. By 1991, the poor-plus-near-poor rate for the SSDI recipients recorded for 1982 had fallen slightly to 47 percent for the younger disabled and 30 percent for the older disabled, while the rate for the nondisabled group edged up.
For both groups, SSI would provide very modest income support, reducing these very high poverty rates by only about 3 to 5 percentage points. However, with Social Security income included in the family income definition, actual poverty rates were less than onehalf of this level-about 30 percent for younger disabled men and only 13 percent for older disabled men. We conclude that Social Security benefits removed 55 percent of the younger men and 76 percent of the older men from poverty. The greater antipoverty effectiveness of Social Security for older relative to younger men is attributable to two factors: (1) the higher average benefit levels paid to older men because of their higher predisability earnings and (2) the larger proportion of older disabled men who are married (and who therefore have spouses who are either working or also receiving Social Security benefits).
Advances in Public Economics by Robin Boadway, Baldev Raj
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